Sunday, April 19, 2009

Young Creatives Summit

The rather active UpDayton group from the Dayton Create group hosted this young creative summit. The Dayton Daily News has a report here, plus the usual entertaining comments.

Esrati blogged a critique of the process (which sounds like a variation on one of those strategic planning "colored dot" exercises). It's Great in Dayton has an additional critique of the process. Perhaps the other bloggers will join in soon with comments at their sites.

Here are the four initiatives to come out of the summit, courtesy of the Dayton Daily News:

  • Community Programs for Youth: Particularly targeting youth who are in the downtown areas after school and engaging them in activities that are especially coordinated for them.
  • Communication Hub: Web-based information source about all regional events and items unique to the region. Site would also provide an inventory of all Dayton region attributes (events, parks, cultural opportunities, etc.)
  • Grow Downtown Dayton: Work in partnership with city and business leaders to focus on downtown Dayton in demonstrating more reasons to enjoy the region (such as places to live, eat, and shop). Goal is to promote and attract popular venues/entertainment options to the center of the city.
  • Wayne Ave. Corridor: Create a more interesting, colorful and lively corridor with a well-lit walkway along Wayne between Third and Fifth streets. Work with businesses to clean up and provide unique options.
Which makes one wonder if this really is all that innovative, or just groupthink by the usual suspects (people who already active and who tend to attend these kinds of events). Apparently about half of the attendee's were older, so how represenative is this for "young creatives"?

Notable is that three of the four were specfic to downtown. The communcations hub is the only one that has broader applications for the rest of metropolitan area.

And we've already heard about two of these (pedestrian unfreindly Wayne Avenue and "growing downtown") as they were discussed at DaytonMostMetro at various times (not to mention the obvious intersection with that Greater Downtown Plan).

Yet is all this really going to keep people in the region or attract them here? The closing lines at the DDN article hints at something maybe more basic and fundamental than these four action items:

Topping the list of needs, according to several participants interviewed, are jobs.

“I look at Dayton and I say it doesn’t look too much different than Detroit. Just smaller,” Lewis said.

Well, actually Detroit has a Hamtramck. Dayton doesn't.

Suburban Experiments

Through the years there’ve been attempts to do suburbia different. Concerns about sprawl and sustainability and aesthetics are not unique to our time, but have surfaced time and time again during the era of the automobile suburb.

Suburban development in Dayton reflected these national trends in various ways, large and small. In some cases, like the planned unit development concept, which became popular in the 1960s and 1970s, the new approach was quite successful locally as well as nationally. Wright Executive Center was a good example of a planned unit development. In others cases the experiment was an abject failure. And in others, like Greenmont, a dual experiment in mutual housing and garden suburb planning there was an isolated success that was not repeated.

Starting with the New Deal era of the 1930s, here is a brief list of some suburban experiments in the Dayton area.

1. Subsistence homesteads

2. Mutual housing

3. Garden city planning concepts,

4. New Towns/ecological planning & land use suitability.

5. Cluster housing

6. Planned unit development.

7. Neotraditional town planning

There are at least three neotraditional town planning developments in the area (including The Greene, which incorporates a few neotraditional concepts). Daytonology will investigate a very recent project that hews closest to the principles of the movement.

Next, an investigation of a massive failed New Town project based on ecological planning and land use suitability design principles. This project also incorporated the cluster housing planning concept. There was a sociological subtext to this project, and it foreshadowed the current interest in sustainable development.

Finally, going back to the early days of automobile suburbia in the 1930s, a quick look at a New Deal era experiment in subsistence homesteading, which incorporated elements of socio-economic planning.

Wayne Avenue in the Oregon: 5th to Van Buren

he Dover Block was an excellent urban set-piece, but it only dated to the 1880s. Before it was Dover's Drug Store, standing by 1875, but perhaps going back to the antebellum era. It was built on the route of Seelys Ditch, so would have came after that part of the ditch was filled in and replatted, sometime after 1845.

Dover's was a good example of 19th and early-mid 20th century live-work space for small business.

The entire intersection, showing how the street wall of commercial buildings facing 5th continued some distance to the east of the Dover Block. The Dickey Block (1855!) across the street was probably removed sometime before the Tasty Boy went up in the 1930s or early 40s.

Note that Wayne Avenue here was much narrower than it is today, as urban renewal made the street more car friendly via widening.

One of the points here is that even though th Dover Block was good urban architecture it was transitory, as was its predecessor. This is the nature of the urban fabric, that it is a process as much as brick, stone, wood and metal. Buildings are altered, removed and replaced through time.

Yet the form of the city, the lot sizes and shapes and street pattern, also drives how buildings are replaced. And builders used to be sensitive to this context as well as the context of the constructed fabric surrounding their specific project.

As an example, look at the two Dover buildings, the drug store and commercial block. Though quite different, they both create street walls on Wayne and Fifth and emphasise the corner with a chamfer. The corner is further emphasised with a big sign for the drug store and the tower for the commercial block. Both had a blank side wall along Wayne (to permit interior shelving) but have a secondary entrance or second storefront opening off Wayne (visible on the far righ). The Dover Block improves over the drugstore a bit by having the store entrance right on the corner.

This way of building and responding to the urban context and the street/lot pattern has been lost. In the case of this side of the Waybe urban renewal totally obliterated the street/lot pattern and the replacement buildings (the gas station) had very little response to contex, seperating the corner from the building by lanes for pumps and maybe parking.

The space, and buildings on it, were reconfigured to support the automobile, resulting in suburban form dominating in the old Haymarket area.

Across the street along Wayne Avenue there was a similar thing going on, maybe more unplanned. One and a half blocks on the west side of Wayne Avenue south of Fifth a bit beyond Van Buren should suffice to make the point.

The block just south of Fifth (Fifth to Van Buren) in the late 1940s/early 1950s, from the Harlan Bartholemew aerial:


About the only auto-era insertion is the gas station on far left. The rest of the block appears an excellent collection of urban commercial buildings, perhaps some apartments on the east side, across from the gas station.

The gas station, with its parking and lanes for pumps, is still the exception not the rule on this stretch of Wayne. And there is a large three story building on the corner, maybe around the same height as the Dover Block across the street (high ceilings inside make for a more imposing building outside), which helps intensify the architectonic quality of the 5th/Wayne intersection.

Today, the fabric has been torn. The corner building (actually the entire block along Fifth) has disappeared, replaced by landscaped parking. Parking has also been substituted for little commercial block next to the (former) gas station.

The next block, south of Van Buren ( just half a block shown) here, is taken up by what looks like a long one-story commercial building with corner entrance, with big storefront windows facing the sidewalk.

Noticeable, to, is the commercial encroachment into the neighborhood by a building on the south side of Van Buren.


Across Wayne is a varied streetscape of one, two and three story commercial buildings on narrow lots, with an occasional surviving house. This street was originally mostly houses, but the building substitution process resulted in commercial buildings. Yet the commercial building typology still echoes the narrow lots: lot size & shape being a palimpsest of the urban fabric.

Today, the street frontage building has been replaced with parking, and commercial encroachment into the neighborhood increases in the form of parking lots replacing one or two houses on Van Buren.
Across the street are suburban pancake buildings and parking lots of the urban renewal era.

Suburbanizing Wayne Avenue

In the 1960s Bertrand Goldbergs Burns-Jackson plan called for the removal of commercial buildings on Wayne and Fifth as they were obsolete and detracted from the visibility of the old houses inside the neighborhood. Goldbergs plan failed and the proposed large-scale clearances never happened.

It seems actions along Fifth are making Goldbergs plan come true anyway, as the result of a sum total of individual decisions and actions taken by business and property owners. The building substitution process in this case often resulted substitution by parking lots and modernist buildings that ignore some of the informal rules of city building (as illustrated by the Dover block prologue at the start of the post).

This process is ongoing in Dayton as building substitutions (when a building is actually subsistituted, that is) are with a suburban typologies designed to accomodate and respond to automobility.

The result here, as elsewhere in the city, is a particularly unsatisfactory streetscape, as it combines the worst of surburan development with surviving fragments of the past acting as reminders of how much was lost. Lost as in the cultural amnesia on remembering how to build in cities as much as physical loss.

Wayne was a great street, but it's gone. Yet there's plenty of parking

Oregon as Urban Blight /Dover Block

Occasionally one comes across images that makes one realize how much as been lost in Dayton and that the city is almost not worth saving, from an urban design and historic preservation point of view.

This image appeared in the early 1950s Harlan Bartholomew master plan. It pretty much reflected the local planning and housing officials opinion of the Oregon and adjacent Haymarket districts, that it was a "blighted area" requiring slum clearance.

For us modern viewers it is a fascinating record in detail (as much detail, that is, that can be ascertained from aerial photography) of this part of the city. The modern Trolley Stop is shown for reference.
(click on the image to enlarge)


One gets a tantalizing glimpse of the a portion of the old Haymarket, which looks here like the double of the Oregon district. What a loss.

What's even more a loss is the Dover Block at the intersection of Fifth and Wayne. This intersection was a true urban crossing, almost like what would find in the Pilsen or Wicker Park areas of Chicago, or Over the Rhine in Cincinnati, with three of the four corners solidly built up. The fourth (northeast) corner had a 1930s-era "Tasty Boy" prefabricated porcelain enamel diner, akin to the White Towers and Wympee.

Boxed in red, the mass of buidlings that made up the Dover Block.

And what it looked like, from a 19th century photo. Aside from being an imposing yet lively bit of red brick victorian commercial archicture this building was a key urban design element. Perhaps something the archictect or builder realized when composing the corner treatment, with the angle and tower.



The little diagram at the lower right illustrates why.

5th Street comes into the intersection at an angle. So any building at this corner has the opportunity to terminate the vista down 5th creating a more defined urban space. In this case the Dover Block was designed exactley in that way, to become the controlling visual element for the urban space of 5th, which is a "main street" space street lined with commercial buildings.

Presumably the sides of the block would have been visible from back on 5th, since this was a quasi-flatiron building. The effect would have been to lead the eye deeper into the city along Wayne or Fifth, perhaps creating an illusion of a bigger city, the urban busy street of 5th would continue on and on (actually this was the case to some degree, along Wayne).

Alas, the Dover Block, along with nearly all of the Haymarket, was removed and replaced with a gas station, which has since been remodeled into the Dublin Pub.

Nothing against the Dublin Pub, but wouldn't it have been great if it was in the ground floor of this building?

Saturday, April 18, 2009

Two New Dayton (maybe) Blogs

One is no "maybe". Dayton Daily Views is certainly local. The blog is brand new and hosted by a Sinclair College student inspired by the Esrati blog.





The riff on the Dayton Daily News masthead is pretty cool.

Cartophilia appeared at Esrati, and it might be local. I'ts hosted by a map buff. What's cool about is not the Dayton content (there aint any), but the map/cartographic focus and link farm. Very much like Daytonology Cartophilia posts a lot of maps, so naturally has a geographic turn to the discussion.


This one is just fun to surf around in if you are interested in geography and maps.

Friday, April 17, 2009

Runaway Federal Spending in One Program: Food Stamps

One of the arguments of the Tea Party protestors was about the massive increase in the deficit and runaway federal spending.

A good example of this is the food stamp program.

Again, a local look. The following numbers are for the Dayton MSA; Darke, Greene, Miami, Montgomery, and Preble counties. These are the total payments over the past 10 or so years.


Note that food stamps were not indexed to inflation until 2008. So this is real program growth without the masking effect of inflation. And this is a program where participants have to be recertified annually at minimum and single able-bodied adults are time limited in getting aid.

With all these restrictions the program still grew by $46 million since 1999.

Taking the long view one can see how this wasn't always the case. Food stamp expenditures dropped in the 1990s until rising again in the 2000s, perhaps due to the business cycle.


And there seems to be a bit of a correlation based on the unemployment rate. Low unemployment <--->lower expenditures on food stamps, with a higher level of unemployment meaning more food stamp expenditures....

...except that unemployment leveled off in the later 2000s, but food stamp expenditures kept rising. One guess as to why this was is the ongoing loss of the living wage jobs in the 200s.

This chart, colored in a nice blue-collar blue, shows how jobs in manufacturing and construction shrank during the 2000s, the same period were food stamp expenditures were rising , even after the 2001 recession ended.


Just a guess as to what is behind runaway spending in one program.

For others one could expect inflation to cause growth, as well as higher rates of lower income work meaning more people are eligible for benefits than before. Then there is the increasing senior citizen population in the region, meaning more expenditures for Social Security and Medicare. And medical costs keep increasing across the board, which would drive more and more spending in Medicaid as well as Medicare.

Perhaps we can only afford a welfare state if there are fewer people eligible for aid. The concept behind a social-democratic welfare state (even the limited US version) was cradle-to-grave social insurance, but it also assumed socio-cultural factors of a work ethic and relatively healthy economy providing high employment that paid a living wage. Social insurance was just that, insurance against the troughs of the business cycle (as well as against old-age poverty).

If the regional economy is typical of the nation and is generating low paying work for more and more people the Feds just can't afford the various income supplements like food stamps and Medicaid, not to mention subsidizing old age pensions and medical care.

Thursday, April 16, 2009

A Dayton Orginal: Homemakers for America

The Dayton Orginals concept is to highlight things in the Dayton area that are locally grown and have a local character to them.Link
One of these orginals, a political organization that advocates around cultural conservatism, was introduced to yours truely at the Tea Party yesterday, as the founder gave a very impassioned speech. The advocacy group is Homemakers for America. This group, though starting locally, apparently has gone national, and promotes three core values:

1. God

2. Freedom

3. Family

Here is a screenshot of their homepage. Note the HFA Issues sidebar on the lower left. An unsual feature, perhaps, is the interest in American History (actually the interest in any kind of history should be commended as history is one of the most neglected areas of our cultural life)


Clicking on the link takes one to this page that has further links. One has to applaud the concern with telling all sides of the story when it comes to history, and to note the influence of religion on history, particularly American history.

Though Daytonology has a historical bias, it is not about religion, or US history.

So this is a reminder of the signifigance of religion and congregational development in local history as well, as the urban and country churches were the focal points of community, and remain local landmarks, part of the cultural landscape of the Dayton region as much as the spiritual landscape.

We'll be looking more at religion and regional religous history in future blog posts.