A mapping exercise to investigate how Dayton grew after WWII, drawn atop a base map.
First, subdivided areas as of 1950. This is mostly prewar Dayton + a few wartime developments and very early postwar plats. One can see how the city was starting to extend out along interurban lines, plus some early auto-oriented plats. Most of this was pre-Depression development, and there apparently was a lot of infill and re-platting of dead subdivisions going on during the immediate postwar era.
Orange color maps out suburbanization due to the postwar boom of the 1950s and 1960s mostly. The early 70s is the cutoff point as Montgomery County population stops growing more or less after 1970, and the manufacturing economy here starts to stall starting with the NCR shutdown in the early 1970s. This is also pre-I-675 growth. Whats not shown is the ribbon development that is found the country roads.
Yellow shows suburbanization since the early 1970s. Most of this is really 1980s on. Here one sees the real boom across the county lines in Greene and especially northern Warren County. Unfortunately the growth east is truncated due to the map not showing more of Greene County.
Removing the base map and drawing in the expressway system one gets a better picture on how Dayton grew beyond the old city, or prewar city (which includes Oakwood and the older parts of Kettering). One can see the massive growth south, where a “new Dayton” has been created, and the river valleys and airport sort of separateing growth north into three fingers. Greene County would also show as a newer "new Dayton" to the east, similar to the growth south.
Deleting the older contingous areas one sees how growth was “north” and “south”, which have two suburban areas somewhat separate and disconnected from each other. It's noticeable that most of the built environment in the area post-dates WWII.
I-70 could be operating as the connecting feature between the “north” suburbs while I-675/75 is the connecting feature for the “South” (+ east) area. One can visualize how the Dayton Mall/Austin Road area is becoming the downtown for “South” .
What’s also noticeable is a large empty quarter. It’s really an almost empty quarter since Drexel, Trotwood and rural ribbon plats are there, but it did miss out on most of the postwar growth.
Applying two geographical models of urban form or growth; the concentric circle model (from the 1920s) and Homer Hoyt's sector model. These are two common models of urban geography.
One comes up with a diagram for Dayton, showing how there was a favored dector to the south (concept is sort of from Hoyt, bat also from Christopher Leinberg’s new book (The Option of Urbanism)" on land development and spraw) as well the empty quarter to the west. A new “favored quarter” has developed to the east due to Wright-Patterson driving development, especially after the early-mid 1980s.
I think the empty quarter phenomenon is fascinating. Most American citys just don't "stop growing" in one direction. It's something that's never remarked on here, but it is so obvious studying the maps and especially via this chronological look at how suburbia grew.
Sunday, May 25, 2008
A mapping exercise to investigate how Dayton grew after WWII, drawn atop a base map.
Saturday, May 24, 2008
1938. FDR was President, the Depression was still going on, and Wympee opened at Wayne and 3rd just east of downtown.
And its still there, with what looks like the original exterior. One of the early versions of a fast food place, made up of white enamel panels, contemporary of early fast food chains like White Caste and White Tower (don't know if Wympee was a chain).
So they had a deal on hamburgers starting at 10 AM today. 70 cents. And they were pretty busy.
They used to have a counter that ran the length of the place, but replaced it with those little booths. Window counter is original.
I remember coming here (and to the nearby White Tower) a lot when I first moved here. I recall the breakfast regulars going behind the counter to help themselves to coffee refills. It was that kind of place. Probably still is.
It's remarkable this place is still in business given that so much has closed (or has been displaced or torn down), and that the exterior is so unchanged. A relic from an earlier era here, when Webster Station saw thousands of factory workers, day and night shifts.
Sunday, May 18, 2008
You really realize what a tragedy Dayton is after checking out Dayton View.
Most cities have a surviving Victorian or early 20th century mansion district. Examples in the region are Old Louisville and Broad (or is it High) Street in Columbus, between downtown and Bexley. Or certain parts of Cincinnati.
Dayton lost its premier mansion districts to urban renewal, downtown expansion, and so forth, so very little survives.
What does survive is Dayton View, and it is the historic district that makes one consider how what a lost cause this city is.
Here is an example of a Dayton View mansion of the old grand manner. It looks like its being restored. And you'd have to wonder why anyone would bother.
Will anyone make any money on this place, or even break even, if one should decide to sell? Who would even consider buying a house like this in the middle of a drug-infested ghetto (with dealing going on in broad daylight on a corner half a block away)?
And, whats’ more, why isn’t anything being done to clean up the neighborhood and why are there are not more restorations going on in the neighborhood?
Then there is this restored apartment building across the street, probably from the 1920s, as an example of what could be...
Yet around the corner is this ruin. Maybe a more realistic fate for the multifamily things left in the neighborhood...
And finally, the ubiquitous bulldozed block, leaving a nice open space where a ruined house once stood (who knows or even remembers what was here?)
Will this be the fate of more old mansions in Dayton View?
On one hand I really have a lot of respect for the people working on restoration/rehab in this neighborhood as they are working on the best, most distinctive houses in the city, but in the least-likely-to-suceed historic district, so they are doing this not becuase its hip or trendy but becuase they probably have a genuine appreciation of the architecture and the neighborhood.
On the other hand buying and restoring here seems quixotic given the declining condition of the city and the trend to Downtown, South Park and Fairgrounds as the hot new in-town areas.
Dayton View just seems like such a lost cause.
Saturday, May 17, 2008
The racialization of relief was one of the great propaganda successes of the Conservative movement, as a way to play on racist assumptions about blacks in order to destroy political support for the minimal US welfare state.
This was the logic behind Ronald Reagan’s “welfare queen” comments, as a way of playing the race card to discredit the concept of poor relief.
Yet, there were, and are, a lot of white folks on assistance. A geography of white folks on welfare in Montgomery County will demonstrate this.
First, using the census definitions, we can divide up “welfare” as two kinds…SSI, or Supplemental Security Income, which requires some form of disability to qualify, and public assistance, i.e. “welfare”, which today means mostly TANF. The census doesn’t provide stats for food stamps, which is a fairly important public assistance program.
Combining SSI and “welfare”, around $50M in public assistance flows to white folks annually in this county. Lots of money being pumped into the local economy via poor and disabled relief.
This is what people think of when they think of welfare or "relief". Nowadays this is mostly TANF, and these numbers do not include the Food Stamp program, which would be quite interesting to map out. Nor does it include things like Section 8 vouchers.
Breaking down the welfare numbers by census tract, looking not at numbers of people but aggregate annual welfare income per tract, showing which tracts are getting the most white folks welfare.
And then mapping it out. Expected concentrations on the east side and North Dayton, but note how this suburbanizes, with concentrations in certain suburban areas (like Miami Twp, Riverside, and Northridge) and then smaller aggregates in suburban tracts. Whats key is that there is at least some public assistance in a number of suburban areas, including Kettering and Washington Township.
A close up for Dayton and close-in areas:
Supplemental Security Income is administered by Social Security, and according to their website has the following qualifiers to determine eligibility:
Anyone who is:
aged (age 65 or older);
has limited income; and
has limited resources;
and is a U.S. citizen or national, or in one of certain categories of aliens;
So one can see there are a bunch of conditions to be met. Yet a lot of white folk in Montgomery County meet them, as can be seen by the pie chart at the start of the post.
Again, rank ordering the tracts based on aggregate SSI annual income
And mapping it out, again the concentrations on the east side and Old North Dayton show up. But also quite a bit of distribution beyond these areas, including in southwest Washington Township, an affluent suburban areas where one wouldn’t expect people to be on government assistance of any kind.But what’s notable is the widespread distribution of assistance beyond the expected concentrations; SSI in substantial numbers is found throughout suburbia.
What this mapping exercise demonstrates is that, contrary to racist opinions, its not just blacks on public assistance. A considerable amount of money is flowing to the county for white folks’ welfare, both the traditional “welfare”, and conditional SSI assistance. What’s really noticeable, too, are the concentrations and expansion beyond the inner city, destroying the stereotype that welfare of any kind is found only in inner Dayton.
Before Richard Florida there was David Rusk.
Rusk, former mayor of Albuquerque, was the urban affairs analyst who came to Dayton back in the 1990s, on the strength of his 1993 urban policy book, Cities Without Suburbs. Like Florida he spoke a Wright State, giving a presentation on how the Dayton region was doing.
And it wasn't doing too good.
Rusk identified a collection of cities that he identified as "beyond the point of no return". Dayton was on this list.
Cities beyond the point of no return met the following criteria
- Major population loss since peak (20% or more)
- Disporportionate minority population (3 to 5 times or more than the metro average)
- Average income levels 70% or less than the suburban levels
However, Rusk, in the revised edition of his book, notes that as of the 2000 census Dayton did close the income gap:
1990: City as a % of Suburban Income= 64.1%
2000: City as a % of Suburban Income= 66.3%
...yet Dayton continued to lose population and become more minority.
Rusk did note that the 2000 census measured things at the top of an economic boom, so may overstate gains. And given the economic decline since 2000 one can wonder if the suburban income levels are also dropping.
Perhaps the city as a % of suburban income number will drop again in 2010, but due to an overall economic decline actings as an equalizing effect, plus some gentrification action in the inner city.
One also wonders though if the incomes improvement that would accrue due to downtown and historic district gentrification would be cancelled out by overall decline in the outer neighborhoods of the city.
Or, alternatively, Daytons numbers might improve due to abandonmnet, as the city becomes less poor, but less populated, too.
Sunday, May 11, 2008
Dayton’s interurban suburbia is a little-remarked aspect of the urban sprawl story, but it was the first extensive expansion of development beyond the city. Yer humble host will be doing more investigation of these forgotten places.
Dayton had seven interurban rail corridors leading into the city that experienced some degree of subdivision. The strongest examples of interurban lines driving growth extending well beyond the city were to north, along Salem, Main, and North Dixie Drive, and west, along US 35.
An interesting example of how an interurban line might have driven some institutional suburbanization is the Sisters of the Precious Blood convent complex on Salem Avenue.
This local landmark may have been sited here to take advantage of transit out Salem Avenue
The interurban came up Salem (via Fairview Avenue) to points north around the turn of the last century, kicking off subdivision activity. The furthest out plats were the two Fort McKinley plats (was there ever a fort here?), “Albert” (platted by 1910), the “Maplewood Addition”, and Green Meadow.
The Precious Blood convent was located here in 1923, just beyond the outermost cluster of subdivisions, and held a substantial block of property on both sides of Salem
The interurban line up Salem ended sometime in the 1920s (replaced with bus service), and the depression killed real estate activity (houses of the pre-Depression area on these plats can be identified, usually, by their bungalow and four-square style)
The Green Meadow plat did not survive but the others did, having a small collection of houses from the 1920s and 1930s.
During and after the war new construction first infilled vacant lots on the existing plats. By the late 1940s and early 1950s new subdivisions appeared. Brentwood Village on the old Green Meadow plat was probably the first of the postwar plats. By 1956 the undeveloped property between the prewar interurban plats & Salem Avenue and the Precious Blood land was filling in with subdivisions.
And the situation today. The convent had sold off most of its holdings (the first to go was the 1948 establishment of the Precious Blood across Salem from the convent), including a subdivision just north of Free Pike.
Today a portion of the convent is now a nursing home (Maria-Joseph).
Another view of the red brick convent with church towers, now the Maria-Joseph nursing home (the sanctuary is open to the public, though).
The present day convent:
(I’m not sure about the relationship between the two buildings, or which was built first)
Early 20th century suburban Catholic stuff is probably pretty common in cities with big Catholic communities. A good example of this (akin to Precious Blood) is Techny, in the north suburbs of Chicago.
And interurban suburbia might be an interesting development approach to follow as it is the ancestor of Peter Calthorpes “Transit Oriented Development” model. Though these plats predate widespread use of the auto the people who first moved out here in the 1920s probably did have cars and commuted with them.
Not a cliché but a real no-kidding lost highway…really a forgotten highway, or maybe a never-built one?
I came across this stretch of road while doing some research on uneven development and urban sprawl in west & northwest Montgomery County and was intrigued…
Why build such a big wide-open road with huge median, through a bunch of 1950s suburbia?
It just keeps on going….where could it possibly go !?
Nowhere. The road dead ends in a wooded area just south of Free Pike.
Taking a look at some aerials it turns out this highway, Brumbaugh Boulevard, appears to have been planned to go much further south, and it looks like work was started on an extension south of Free Pike…
…but never completed. The grading is there, and one can even see the start of the median, in this close up.
It turns out Brumbaugh Boulevard was part of a big circumferential highway project, the implementation of a late 1940s highway plan for the county. The idea was to develop a beltway around Dayton by connecting and widening existing roads. It looks like this was one of the connecting highways, connecting with Miller & Infirmary Roads on the south and Turner Road to the east.
Note the date on this new article. 1957. A key year as this was when a limited access interstate highway bypass was authorized for Dayton, route yet to be determined.
One has to wonder about lining a beltway with houses, but one can speculate that the county required the ROW to be set-aside when the surrounding subdivisions were platted, and the wide median would have been cut back for additional lanes when the beltway was complete and started drawing traffic. Requiring frontage roads would have taken up too much developable land
The northern part of Brumbaugh must have been reconfigured when Turner Road was extended to the Trotwood Connector, and one wonders if a row of houses was taken out to make this connection
Will They Ever Finish Brumbaugh Boulevard?
The original beltway plan was an example of how the early postwar planning was even handed, by proposing a true circumferential highway that would open up (and connect) all the parts of the county to suburbanization, especially by creating easier movement between the southern & eastern and northern & western parts of the county.
That Brumbaugh Boulevard was abandoned (and literally so, with road construction apparently stopped in its tracks), and only the eastern & northern part of a beltway built (today’s “Wright Brothers Parkway”) demonstrates how resources were shifted to “favored sectors”, which reaped the development benefits of better highway access.
It is an example of uneven development in Montgomery County.
West/Northwest Montgomery County would have to wait until the Trotwood Connector/Turner Road extension of the 1990s, 40 years after Brumbaugh Boulevard, before being connected to the regional highway system.
Since blog posts here transfer to Dayton OS, which had a comments feature, I had turned comments off here, so posters could surf over to OS to comment.
The idea was that since OS gets more readers, there would be more comments there, and maybe more discussion, and I would just use this blog to push content to OS.
Now I see Dayton OS has turned off comments to their blog feeds, so it's back to enabling commenting here, again (if anyone feels they really, really have to say something pertinent to the post).
Saturday, May 10, 2008
Taking a break from the Dayton area, with its’ myriad political dysfunctions and insoluble social and economic problems, looking at solutions being tried elsewhere.
If one surfs in here frequently one knows that Louisville is often used as a case study for solutions that could be applied to Dayton, if the political and economic situation permitted.
In this case Daytonology will look at an experiment in school integration that is about to be tried in Louisville, due to a recent Supreme Court decision that invalidated school assignments solely based on race.
Louisville’s Experience With Desegregation.
The background was that in the 1970s’ there were three systems, the Louisville City, Jefferson County (the suburban system), and Anchorage (a very small suburban system). The Louisville and Jefferson County systems were being considered for desegregation order for various reasons. While this was happening the city system went bankrupt, and was ordered to merge with the fiscally healthy county system.
Then desegregation via bussing was ordered by the courts, around the same time the Dayton schools desegregated.
Integration started in the mid 1970s amid riots and other civil disobedience (yer humble host was busted for rioting and sent to juvenile court for it). Though the violence and protest quickly subsided, racial integration continued in various forms till this year.
Interestingly, given the initial violent opposition, at first there wasn’t massive white flight from Jefferson County, as surrounding counties could not absorb big population moves, and the Catholic system refused to become a white flight haven. Countywide integration also precluded white flight from the city, and is probably why Louisville didn’t turn into a racial and socioeconomic Bantustan the way Dayton did.
In recent more and more whites began to leave the system, particularly the younger students, though it remains predominantly white today, unlike the Dayton system, which has resegregated.
What Kind of Integration?
However, with the new court decision the Jefferson County system took a new look at what “integration” means, and what it was trying to achieve.
The decision was to move toward socioeconomic integration, as opposed to strictly racial integration (which is becoming more complex as there is a growing Latino community in Louisville).
The theory is (and this is a gross simplification) that kids of a lower socioeconomic status will be lifted up by being in an academic environment predominantly made up of students average and above average socioeconomic backgrounds.
This is probably the first attempt in the US to deliberately try for socioeconomic diversity of students at a metropolitan scale (Jefferson County is still the dominant county in the metro area). Though this sounds radical, socioeconomic diversity would just mimic the kind of countywide rural systems common in Kentucky, were students of all sorts of backgrounds attend the same elementary and high school in the county seat.
How It Works
So the plan was to identify disadvantaged area (“Area A”) and then integrate the students with average or above average area (“Area B”)
Here are the two areas, by elementary school attendance district…Area B in yellow and Area A in blue:
The criteria for the two areas are:
(Must meet all three criteria)
...Below the district average for income
…Below the average education level of adults in the district
…Above the district average for the percentage of minority students who live there.
…At or above the district average for income
…Or at or above the average level of education of adults in the district
…Or below the district average for percentage of minority students who live there
Then, schools from Area A are clustered with schools from Area B, but schools must maintain a range of students from 15% to 50% from Area A (I think 50% is too high. Maybe 25% as an upper limit would be better).
There are two cluster proposals:
…and there are pros & cons of both cluster approaches, which can be read at this Courier- Journal (local newspaper) website (source of the maps).
A positive outside appraisal comes from this article from In These Times, a social-democratic journal of opinion.
In any case this is what’s possible with a countywide school system. What’s also possible is to develop magnet schools for science, arts, and other things, akin to Stivers, but drawing on the entire county for talented kids (and on the entire county for revenue to fund these enhanced programs).
In retrospect the merger of the city and county system in the 1970s was the precondition for this approach, which would not have happened if not for the bankruptcy of the city system and a subsequent court-ordered merger.
Lessons for Dayton
There are none.
It would take similar catastrophic failure of the city system and outside intervention to bring about a similar merger here, in order to permit a countywide diversity plan. The end-result would be a return to white flight, this time from Montgomery County to Warren, Greene, and Miami.
Sunday, May 4, 2008
Seems so, based on todays Dayton Daily News articles.
You wouldn't know it just reading the healines, which sounds like a nice multi-culti article set for Cinco De Mayo..."Mexicans and their Markets". But check out the article entitled Hispanic Community, Stores, Support One Another.
From the article:
Sotelo said local police for the last six months to a year have been finding reasons to stop Hispanics on the street and in cars, and many of those who have been stopped have not had legal status. As people are arrested and deported, others without legal status have fled the area, he said.
"People I know who have been here eight or nine years, they're stable, but they're not legal," Sotelo said. "At first the police would stop people in their cars, so a lot stopped driving. Now they stop people for just walking.
The article also quotes the manager of the a Latino store in Old North Dayton who has observed similar things:
"If you've got black hair and dark skin, you expect to get stopped," Ruiz said.
Ok, two store owners. But apparently the director of the East End Community Services has noted the same thing:
"This is a major issue for the Latino population right now, and it's an issue for other immigrant communities, too," Lepore-Jentleson said.
So does Dayton "get" diversity? Doesn't seem so, as police action here is reportedly driving away Mexicans and others who may be undocumented, or even here legally (though I suspect the poor local economy has a lot to do with slowing of immigration, t0o).
But, we've already seen the hostility to the Islamic community demonstrated by the controversy over that mosque in Sugarcreek, and then the city commission barely supported a gay rights law (and one could see the hostility to that via some of the comments at Esratis' blog). Now some anecdotal evidence of selective enforcement against latinos.
No, the Dayton region has a long way to go when it comes to tolerance, unless tolerance means polite silence while intolreance works its ways under a placid surface.
The recent culture war hoo-hah about Obama's "bitter" remarks was an opportunity to revisit whats happening to living wage or "Middle Class Wage". The NYT did an excellent article on this, discussing how $20/hour, or $41,600/year, was considered the wage threshold for being "middle class".
The 2000 census data actually has some good info on this, based on a sample, where you can find out the median family income of a family of four (with at least one member working) for a census tract.
Using this, one can graph out how county census tracts fall. I use the following cut-offs to group the tracts:
1. "Official" poverty threshold for a family of four
2. The "Middle Class Wage" of $41,600
3. A median based on the median family incomes of all the tracts (the mid point of the tracts)
4. A break in the data where one sees a upward slop kick in for median income
...Using these and applying them to the distribution of tracts leads to these groupings:
One can see there is a substantial number of tracts were median income is below $41,600, but very few wealthy or poor tracts, indicating what we all know in our gut, that the Montgomery County is a very middle class place, with a broad mid range of incomes. This is a reflection of Dayton's past unionization, I think. The NYT reports that unions played a big roll in spreading middle-income wages into the economy in the postwar era.
That basic wage blossomed first in the auto industry in 1948 and served, in effect, as a banner in the ideological struggle with the Soviet Union. As the news media frequently noted, salt-of-the-earth American workers were earning enough to pay for comforts that their counterparts behind the Iron Curtain could not afford.
As the years passed, unions succeeded in negotiating this basic wage not as an ultimate goal but as an early rung in their wage ladders. That was the union standard, particularly in heavy industries, and in the early postwar decades nonunion employers fell into line, spreading middle-class incomes broadly through the service sector.
Dayton played a roll in the immediate postwar struggle for a middle class wage (or "Family Wage" as it was called at that time).
It would be interesting to revist this in 2010, to see if there is more of an income sorting to the top and bottome..more "below middle class" and "elite".
Mapping out the distribution of the lower middle class, below middle class (median family income below $41,600, ) and working poor tracts.
...its pretty noticable that there are large geographic areas that aren't making enough to be considered middle class, but not officially "poor" either, and these areas extend out into the suburbs, like Drexel and North Dixie Drive and Riverside and the Dayton Mall area.
One can assume familys in the "lower middle class" areas could be somewhat at risk, too, if wages drop or remain stagnant, jobs are lost, and inflation kicks in (and interesting to see extension into suburbia here, too, with New Lebanon, Kettering, Riverside, West Carollton, etc all showing up).
A close up of the city. The uncolored tracts all have higher than $61,000/year median incomes for a family of four....
Next, just a quick look at "The Elite", the affluent tracts at the top of the distribution. Whats noticeable is how concentrated wealth is in the area, with Oakwood west of Far Hills just dominating the distribution at a whopping $200,000 median income for a family of four! Oakwood east of Far Hills is at the bottom of this grouping, though.
Another interesting thing is the tract up in Vandalia with a fairly high median income, which is not something one associates with Vandalia.
An interesting comparison would be to map out political contributions ($200 or more) to see how they correspond to the geography of income. One would see how the affluent areas dominate contributions for both partys, with Obama and Clinton being as much "owned" by the affluent elite as the Republicans.
The fact is when it comes to the real, no-shit bread and butter issue, how much people make at work, neither party will be doing jack for the folks in the areas colored red and green in the map above.
Friday, May 2, 2008
Emma Goldman. This ragtime radical was nearly forgotten until the New Left and feminism of the late 1960s led to the renewed study of US political radicalism and the new field of woman’s history.
As an anarchist and a strong female voice in politics Goldman was of interest to both feminist and left-oriented scholars, resulting in a flood of writing on her life and work. Her life embodied certain stereotypes of the romantic, revolutionary; never ascetic, somewhat tragic, and always resilient. Then there was the high drama of political conflict (often violent). So she became a lefty pop culture figure outside academia. In short, Emma Goldman led a colorful life that embodied certain American values of individuality, freedom, standing up for the underdog, speaking one’s mind and do-what-you-will.
Goldman was a traveling agitator, moving about the country giving speeches. Often she was prevented from speaking by local authorities, occasionally even being arrested. This restriction of political speech (not just Goldman but other radicals, too) eventually led to the creation of the ACLU.
It was an early free speech group that brought Goldman to Dayton the first time. The tiny (five members) Dayton branch of the “Free Speech League of American” rented Mallory’s Hall “…an amusement place for colored people” and brought Goldman to Dayton on 28 January 1911. She stayed at the Algonquin Hotel, today’s Doubletree, where she was interviewed by the Dayton Daily News reporter for this front page story:
Apparently “The Queen of the Revolutionists” was an early celebrity, as the DDN article tone assumes readers have some familiarity with the subject. The article is written in a light, chatty style, not too negative. Also note that the final passage quotes the mayor that they won’t be interfering or watching her oration. This was quite different from her reception in some of the other cities on her lecture tour
...map from the American Experience PBS website on an Emma Goldman documentary: click here for the interactive version).
1911 lecture site then and now (Mallory’s Hall is the large building in the center).
As sort of an early comment on feminism here is this exchange between the reporter on Goldman on the police interest in her speeches:
The reporter writes about Goldman’s problems being chased by the law elsewhere:
“Miss Goldman is still in the little game of tag and so far has managed to outwit the sleuths. Not that they ‘want her’, but just that they don’t want her to talk.”
To which Goldman replies:
“Its perfectly natural that a man shouldn’t want a woman to talk so I don’t mind.”
And another news report, this time from the Dayton Herald:
Goldman returned to Dayton on February 19 1912 for a double engagement at the Jewel Theatre, formerly Beckels’ Opera House, on Jefferson Street. There are no good images of the Jewel, so here is a Sanborn showing the site and a pix of what’s there now:
The first half was a Sunday afternoon debate with a local socialist who was on the outs with his party, which led to the Dayton socialists telling their members not to attend. The second half was very poorly attended Sunday evening talk on ‘Motherhood’, which sounds like it might have been the “Why The Poor Should Not Have Children” lecture.
…the image was from a different lecture site (Butte, Montana), but note the central figure in the mustache. This was Ben Rietman, an associate and sometime lover of Goldman, who acted as a sort of advance man for her lecture tours. He might have been the one who set up the 1912 Dayton gig.
Press reports were ill tempered this time, with the DDN report being quite a contrast with the 1911 article.
Dayton Herald had this to say:
And the Dayton Journal had the event on the front page, with a pretty nice pix of Goldman (which unfortunately did not reproduce well), but a headline saying she was “All but Ignored by Dayton”, giving attendance figures of 200 for the afternoon debate and 33 for the evening lecture
The paper also mentions that $22 ($483 in todays’ money) was raised for the "Lawrence textile strike". This was the well-know (to labor historians) Bread and Roses Strike, organized by the IWW and a bit of a national cause célèbre at the time.
Anarchism never took hold in Dayton, nor anywhere else for that matter (except for Spain, where the Catalonian anarchists were featured in George Orwell’s writing). Emma Goldman was deported in 1919 along with hundreds of other radicals, and died an exile. She did return in death and is buried in Chicago’s Waldheim Cemetery, near her former beau Ben Reitman and other radicals of the past, in the so-called “Communist plot”.
(to enlarge the news articles mouse over the image and click)